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 Exposing the False Left

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PostSubject: Exposing the False Left   Sun 25 Oct 2009, 5:43 pm

I will post in this thread an excellent exposé on the False Left, providing an overview of:

  1. how establishment and/or COINTEL (CIA) funding is filtered to front groups through a network of foundations, corporations, nonprofits, and philanthropists;
  2. the relationships between those who operate front organizations and establishment members/COINTEL operators.

One can replicate much of this exposé for each aspect of the political spectrum (ie. right, libertarian, etc.) and uncover similar patterns of relationships and funding, with the establishment and COINTEL sources serving as the hub for each false front.
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PostSubject: Re: Exposing the False Left   Sun 25 Oct 2009, 5:59 pm


The mass-circulation weekly TEMPO accused Ford of having once played, at
the urging of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, a covert role in
Indonesian political affairs by consciously supporting the work of
individuals who were deemed to be sympathetic to the anti-communist
aims of American foreign policy.

— Chronicle of Philanthropy, 12/13/01

The Ford Foundation's history of collaboration and
interlock with the CIA in pursuit of U.S. world hegemony is now a
well-documented fact...The Ford Foundation has in some ways refined
their style of collaboration with Washington's attempt to produce
world cultural domination, but retained the substance of that
policy...The ties between the top officials of the Ford Foundation
and the U.S. government are explicit and continuing.

—James Petras, 12/15/2001
The Ford Foundation and the CIA: A documented case of philanthropic collaboration with the Secret Police

The multi-billion dollar Ford Foundation's historic relationship to the Central Intelligence Agency [CIA] is rarely mentioned on Pacifica's DEMOCRACY NOW / Deep Dish TV show, on FAIR's COUNTERSPIN show, on the WORKING ASSETS RADIO show, on The Nation Institute's RADIO NATION show, on David Barsamian's ALTERNATIVE RADIO show or in the pages of PROGRESSIVE, MOTHER JONES and Z magazine. One reason may be because the Ford Foundation and other Establishment foundations subsidize the Establishment Left's alternative media gatekeepers / censors.


Take Pacifica / DEMOCRACY NOW, an alternative radio network with annual revenues of $10 million in 2000, whose National Program Director was paid $63,000 in that year. In the early 1950s--when the CIA was using the Ford Foundation to help fund a non-communist "parallel left" as a liberal Establishment alternative to an independent, anti-Establishment revolutionary left--the Pacifica Foundation was given a $150,000 grant in 1951 by the Ford Foundation's Fund for Education. According to James Ledbetter's book Made Possible By..., "the Fund's first chief was Alexander Fraser, the president of the Shell Oil Company."

Besides subsidizing the Pacifica Foundation in the early 1950s, the Ford Foundation also spent a lot of money subsidizing many other noncommercial radio or television stations in the United States. According to Ledbetter's Made Possible By..., between 1951 and 1976, the Ford Foundation "spent nearly $300 million on noncommercial radio and television."

In the late 1950s and early 1960s, Pacifica relied primarily on listener-sponsor contributions to fund the operations of its radio stations. And in the early 1970s, Pacifica also began to accept funds from the U.S. Establishment's Corporation for Public Broadcasting [CPB], according to Rogue State author William Blum--who worked as a KPFA staff person in the early 1970s. But in the early 1990s, some Pacifica administrators decided to again seek grants from the Ford Foundation and other Establishment foundations. As former Pacifica Development Director Dick Bunce wrote in the appendix to the "A Strategy for National Programming" document which was prepared for the Pacifica National Board in September 1992, entitled "Appendix Foundation Grant seeking National Programming Assumptions for Foundation Fund raising":

The national foundation grant seeking arena has changed enough in recent years to make activity in this arena potentially worthwhile--for organizations prepared to be players and partners in the same field as NPR, APR, maybe some others...The foundation funding of interest is in gifts of $100,000 or more a year, for several years...Three of America's six largest foundations (Ford, MacArthur, Pew) have begun to fund public broadcasting, public radio in particular, and evidently intend to continue doing so. Pacifica requested meetings with each of these foundations earlier this year and was treated seriously enough in subsequent meetings to give us some hope of securing funding possibly from all three. A `Report Sheet' on this work is included in Appendix 3.

Beyond these three foundations there are no others among the country's 100 largest which have made substantial grants to public broadcasting. So the second tier of foundation prospects look substantially different from the first tier requiring more work on our part to open doors, establish `standing' and find a workable `fit.'

There are nonetheless a number of interesting prospects--in some cases only because of particular people who are currently involved, or because of formal criteria which we could try to fit. The second tier list includes several from the top 100--Rockefeller, Irvine, Surdna, George Gund--Nathan Cummings--and a number of smaller foundations, but still capable of 6 figure grants: Aaron Diamond, Revson, Rockefeller Family & Associates, New World, Winston Foundation for World Peace.

Once we drop to the $35,000 to $75,000 grant range, the list enlarges, but these take as long to cultivate as the bigger ones, so it makes sense to start from the top.

Foundation fund raising at this level has extraordinary payoffs--but it takes senior staff time, not `grant writing' but in communicating. It is therefore expensive, and not successfully done as an afterthought to everything else in the day. It also requires `venture capital visits' to the foundations to open doors and conversations that lead to partnerships.

In initiating three top level contacts in April, May and June, and attempting to capitalize on the opportunities apparent to us, we have already been stretched beyond our capacity to really interface effectively with these funders--although admittedly much of the problem to date has been due to the fact that we don't yet have a clear business plan for national programming.

Foundation grant making will most likely proceed as short-term funding. Funders will want to `fund projects, not operations.' We should presume that we can succeed in raising serious money to launch or establish new programs, etc. but not to sustain them beyond start-up. The standard of self-sufficiency will be required for many proposals we submit, and our own planning will be most successful if we relate to this funding source accordingly.

Short-Run Strategies for Developing a Foundation Grant seeking Program

  • Seek Development Committee leadership in planning for Foundation grant seeking

  • Pursue `anchor' grants to acquire funding beginning in FY'93 from the Big 3 foundations we've already begun to work with.

Long-Range Strategies for Developing a Foundation Grant seeking Program

  • Initiate an informal `feasibility inquiry' of foundation support for Pacifica's objectives by requesting visits with the dozen top prospects to shape proposals and establish relationships...

Foundation Grants Summary: Late this spring we began our first efforts in national foundation grant seeking on behalf of national programming. We have a good chance of securing six figure grants in the coming fiscal year from any or all of the 3 foundations we're working with, but our approach is still dependent upon our own organizational progress toward a business plan that we are committed to following through on.

The second tier of foundation prospects is more challenging, and will require increased staff resources, a modest feasibility inquiry and active planning with the Board Development Committee.

By 1995, billionaire speculator George Soros' Open Society Institute had given the Pacifica Foundation a $40,000 grant. And in 1996, the Carnegie Corporation of New York gave Pacifica a $25,000 grant to launch its DEMOCRACY NOW show. In 1997 came a $13,000 grant from the J.M. Kaplan Fund to Pacifica to provide support for DEMOCRACY NOW. And in 1998 came a $25,000 grant to Pacifica from the Public Welfare Foundation "to report on hate crimes and related issues as part of its `DEMOCRACY NOW!" public-affairs radio program and an additional $10,000 grant to support DEMOCRACY NOW from the J.M. Kaplan Fund. That same year the Ford Foundation gave a $75,000 grant to Pacifica "toward marketing consultancy, promotional campaign and program development activities for radio program, DEMOCRACY NOW." In 1998 and 1999, two grants, totaling $22,500, were also given to Pacifica by the Boehm Foundation, to support its DEMOCRACY NOW show.

In early 2002, an additional Ford Foundation grant of $75,000 was given to Deep Dish TV "for the television news series, DEMOCRACY NOW, to continue incorporating the aftermath of the September 11th attack into future broadcasts." Besides being presently subsidized by the Ford Foundation to air Pacifica's DEMOCRACY NOW show, Deep Dish TV, with an annual income of $158,000 in 2000, was also subsidized by the MacArthur Foundation in the 1990s. Between 1993 and 1998, $190,000 in grants were given to Deep Dish TV by the MacArthur Foundation. And one of the members of Deep Dish TV's board of directors in recent years has apparently been a WBAI staff person named Mario Murillo.

Another Ford Foundation grant of $200,000 was given in April 2002 to the Astraea Foundation, whose former board finance committee chairperson, Leslie Cagan, is presently the chairperson of Pacifica's national board. Three other grants have been given to the Astraea Foundation by the Ford Foundation since 2000: two grants, totaling $75,000, in 2000; and a $200,000 grant in 2001 "for general support and subgrants to community-based organizations addressing social, political and economic justice, especially those focused on lesbians and other sexual minorities." The former finance committee chairperson of the Ford Foundation-sponsored Astraea Foundation recently signed a $2 million "golden handshake / sweetheart contract" with the Ford Foundation-sponsored, soon-to-be-privatized DEMOCRACY NOW producer (who has apparently been receiving a $90,000/year salary from Pacifica in recent years for her alternative journalism work).

Last edited by Bert.G on Sun 25 Oct 2009, 6:20 pm; edited 4 times in total
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PostSubject: Re: Exposing the False Left   Sun 25 Oct 2009, 6:01 pm

Part 2:

The FAIR/COUNTERSPIN/Institute for Public Accuracy alternative
media gatekeepers/censors--which includes COUNTERSPIN
co-hosts/producers Steve Rendall and Janine Jackson, Institute for
Public Accuracy/MAKING CONTACT executive director Norman Solomon,
producer Laura Flanders--have also been subsidized by the Ford
Foundation and other Establishment foundations in recent years.

At a June 1988 street fair in Manhattan's Union Square which
marked the 35th anniversary of the Rosenbergs' execution, MSNBC
DONAHUE SHOW producer Jeff Cohen sat behind a table selling copies of
his recently-created Fairness & Accuracy In Reporting [FAIR]
group's journal, EXTRA!. Within a few years, Cohen's FAIR alternative
media group was airing a weekly media watch show called COUNTERSPIN
on Pacifica's WBAI station in New York City. What listeners of
COUNTERSPIN were not told in the 1990s, however, was that around 30
percent of FAIR's funding was coming from foundation grants,
including grants from Establishment foundations like the Rockefeller
Family Fund, the MacArthur Foundation, Bill Moyers' Schumann
Foundation and the Ford Foundation.

In 1991, FAIR was given a $20,000 grant from the Rockefeller
Family fund "for general support." And then in 1992, annual
grants to FAIR started to pour in from the MacArthur Foundation
offices in Chicago. In an early 1997 interview, the program officer
who was then responsible for the MacArthur Foundation's media
program, Patricia Boero, told AQUARIAN/DOWNTOWN magazine: "MacArthur
is funding Fairness & Accuracy in Reporting. And in '96, they
received $75,000 towards the cost of operations. We've been funding
it since 1992, at approximately the same level. It was slightly
higher a few years ago, when the media budget was a little bigger."
Boero also told AQUARIAN/DOWNTOWN in 1997 that one reason the
MacArthur Foundation began funding FAIR was that FAIR was already
being funded by other foundations such as "the Rockefeller
Family Fund."

Later in 1997, more MacArthur Foundation money was thrown in
FAIR's direction by a MacArthur "genius grant"
program--which was then headed by a member of both the Public
Broadcasting Service [PBS] board and NATION magazine's Nation
Institute Board, named Catharine Stimpson. A dancer who was the
partner of one of the co-hosts/producers of FAIR's COUNTERSPIN radio
show was given a $290,000 individual grant by the MacArthur
Foundation program which Nation Institute and PBS board member
Stimpson directed. Since 1997, FAIR has continued to receive grants
from the MacArthur Foundation. In 1998 it was given an additional
grant of $150,000 by the MacArthur Foundation. And in 2000, another
MacArthur Foundation of $125,000 was given to FAIR.

Another Establishment foundation, Public Affairs TV Inc. Executive
Director Bill Moyers' Schumann Foundation also began subsidizing
FAIR's alternative media work in the early 1990s. In 1995, for
instance, Moyers' Schumann Foundation gave FAIR a $150,000 grant "to
support promotion of book THE WAY THINGS AREN'T," which was
co-authored by COUNTERSPIN co-host/producer Steve Rendall. And in
1996, an additional grant of $15,000 from the Schumann Foundation
(whose president, Public Affairs TV Inc. Executive Director Bill
Moyers, was President Lyndon Johnson's press secretary in the 1960s)
was given to FAIR. Since 1996 FAIR has continued to receive grants
from Moyers' Schumann Foundation, including a post-2000 grant of
between $50,000 and $100,000. In addition, one of the
co-hosts/producers of FAIR's COUNTERSPIN show, Janine Jackson, sits
on the board of a group, Citizens for Independent Broadcasting
[CIPB]. In 2002, Moyers' Schumann Foundation gave the Center for
Social Studies Education a $200,000 grant "for continued support
for activities of Citizens for Independent Public Broadcasting

The executive director of the Institute for Public Accuracy
[IPA]/MAKING CONTACT alternative media group, Norman Solomon, was
listed on FAIR's 1997 form 990 as being the "president" of
FAIR and has been a FAIR associate in recent years. Like FAIR, former
FAIR President Solomon's Institute for Public Accuracy, with an
annual income of $267,000, has been subsidized by Bill Moyers'
Schumann Foundation. In 1997, Moyers' Schumann Foundation gave a
$100,000 grant to Solomon's IPA/International Media project "for
effort to hold think tanks to high standards of accuracy."

In addition to being subsidized by the Rockefeller Family Fund,
the MacArthur Foundation and the Schumann Foundation in the 1990s,
FAIR also began receiving grants from the Ford Foundation in the
mid-1990s. As the WORKING ASSETS RADIO web site noted in 2001: "As
the founder of the Women's Desk at the media watchdog FAIR [WORKING
ASSETS RADIO producer-host Laura] Flanders received a $200,000 grant
from the Ford Foundation for a collaborative project to combat racism
and sexism in the news. The resulting book, REAL MAJORITY, MEDIA
rave reviews by Common Courage Press in 1997." Besides the Ford
Foundation's $200,000 grant to FAIR in 1996 or 1997 to help subsidize
the alternative media work of its Women's Desk, an additional grant
of $150,000 from the Ford Foundation was given to FAIR in 1997 or
1998. And in 2001, yet another $150,000 grant was given to FAIR by
the Ford Foundation for "general support to monitor and analyze
the performance of the news media in the United States."

In recent months, the Ford Foundation and Schumann
Foundation-subsidized "media watchdogs" from FAIR and the
Institute for Public Accuracy--Norman Solomon and Steve Rendall--have
seemed more interested in preventing 9/11 conspiracy researchers and
journalists from receiving any airtime on Pacifica's radio stations
than in revealing the historical links of their funders to the CIA or
the Johnson White House to their alternative media listeners and
readers. And WORKING ASSETS RADIO--which is aired on San Francisco's
KALW and produced by a former co-host/producer of FAIR's COUNTERSPIN
and a former Pacifica Network News staff person--has apparently not
been eager to welcome 9/11 conspiracy researchers and journalists
onto the show.


WORKING ASSETS RADIO is a promotional/marketing tool of the $140
million/year, for-profit Working Assets, Inc. telecommunications
company. And besides funding its own alternative WORKING ASSETS RADIO
show that is aired on KALW in the Bay Area and over the Internet,
Working Assets Inc. also helps fund other alternative media groups
such as FAIR/COUNTERSPIN and Norman Solomon's Institute for Public
Accuracy (IPA). In 1996, for instance FAIR/COUNTERSPIN was given a
$59,723 grant by Working Assets Inc. Among the alternative media
groups funded by Working Assets Inc. in 2000, besides
FAIR/COUNTERSPIN and Norman Solomon's IPA were Free Speech TV and the
Independent Press Association. That same year, Working Assets Inc.
also helped fund a group with which DEMOCRACY NOW producer/host Amy
Goodman has worked closely, the East Timor Action Network, as well as
the National Public Radio News and Information Fund, the Astraea
Foundation, People for the American Way Foundation, the Center for
Campus Organizing, United for a Fair Economy, Children's Defense
Fund, the National Abortion and Reproductive Rights Action League
(NARAL), MADRE, and the American Friends Service Committee.

Based in San Francisco, Working Assets Inc. is a privately-held,
secretive telecommunications company that discloses very little
financial information about its for-profit business to either its
400,000 customers or to U.S. consumers in general. One of its
founders was Tides Foundation President Drummond Pike. A trustee of
Mills College in recent years, Laura Scher, is a top executive at
Working Assets Inc. Another top Working Assets Inc. executive,
Michael Kieschnick, has also been involved until recently with the
board of the National Network of Grantmakers, which also includes
representatives of the Funding Exchange and the board of Mother Jones
magazine/Foundation for National Progress. Kieschnick still sits on
the White House Project Advisory Board between folks like PBS CEO Pat
Michell and former U.S. Vice President Walter Mondale. The White
House Project Advisory Board was set-up to promote the presidential
candidacies of mainstream women politicians such as U.S. Senator
Rodham-Clinton. Another Working Assets Inc. official in recent years,
Lawrence Livak, has also been the Tides Foundation Treasurer in
recent years.

Because Working Assets Inc.'s stock is not sold on the stock
market, it is not legally obligated to post much financial
information about its business operations onto the Internet. In
addition, executives at Working Assets Inc. have been reluctant to
reveal to Movement writer-activists what kind of salaries it is
presently paying its top executives. Working Assets Inc. has also
collaborated with J.C. Penney in recent years on a "Shop for
Social Change" business project.

Besides having the book she wrote in the 1990s subsidized by the
Ford Foundation, the WORKING ASSETS RADIO host/producer, Laura
Flanders, also had her journalism work subsidized for awhile in 1998
by another foundation. After the Robert Sterling Clark Foundation
gave a $50,000 grant to the Center for Democracy Studies of The
Nation Institute, "to monitor anti-abortion activities of
several right-wing groups," Flanders was employed briefly by
that Nation magazine think-tank to write an article on the subject,
which subsequently appeared in The Nation magazine. In 2000, the
Rockefeller Foundation also gave the WORKING ASSETS RADIO
producer/host and two colleagues a $20,000 grant "to support the
creation and production of `Action Heroes,' a multidisciplinary
work." Members of the Rockefeller Foundation have included World
Bank manager, a Ford Motor Company director, a MacArthur Foundation
director, and an ITT Sheraton Corp. vice-president in recent years.

Besides being the niece of COUNTERPUNCH editor Alexander Cockburn,
WORKING ASSETS RADIO producer/host Flanders is also the older sister
of Stephanie Flanders, who worked in the Clinton Administration as a
speech writer/special assistant to Treasury Secretary Larry Summers.
Around the same time that former U.S. Treasury Secretary Summers was
named the new president of Harvard University, Stephanie Flanders
began working as a NEW YORK TIMES reporter. An October 1999 OBSERVER
article by Simon Kuper, entitled "The New Elite Who Run Our
Equal Society" indicated that the WORKING ASSETS RADIO host's
younger sister is part of a British elite group nicknamed "The
Young Chiefs." According to Kuper: "Members of this new
elite were presented with thrilling opportunities early in life...
Another characteristic of the new elite is networks. The Young
Chiefs, who tend to live near each other in the center of London, got
the big breaks from old friends or people they meet at their friends'
brunches or leaving parties. On the political side, the Young Chiefs
are so close that many of them are related. Ed Balls (Oxford, Harvard
and the Financial Times, economic adviser to Gordon Brown)...studied
in Boston...Ball's wife, Yvette Cooper (Oxford and Harvard, now a
Labor MP), is a Young Chief too, as is her sometime tutorial partner
at Oxford, Stephanie Flanders (Oxford, Harvard and the Financial
Times, senior adviser to the U.S. Treasury Secretary Larry
Summers)...Nick Denton (Oxford and the Financial Times, founder of
Moreover.com) was a friend of Flanders at the Financial Times and
through her met the elder Balls"

Part 3:

The Nation Institute's RADIO NATION show is a
promotional/advertising tool for a liberal-left establishment
magazine, THE NATION, that generally tends to be a Democratic
Party-oriented publication. Neither the magazine nor its radio tie-in
show that is aired on Pacifica radio stations and many college radio
stations may be eager to encourage much discussion about the historic
relationship between foundations and the CIA or about the evidence of
a 9/11 conspiracy which grassroots journalists and researchers have
discovered. Yet in a 1996 interview with former BOSTON PHOENIX media
critic Dan Kennedy, NATION editor Katrina vanden Heuvel claimed that
"We have a monopoly on weekly progressive journalism in this
country." But are RADIO NATION listeners and readers of THE
NATION magazine actually being provided with authentically
progressive anti-war, anti-corporate and anti-establishment
journalism each week by THE NATION editor?

THE NATION magazine, a for-profit limited-partnership, was started
in 1865 by a British abolitionist named E.L. Godkin and in the early
20th-century it was owned by Oswald Garrison Villard, a descendant of
U.S. abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison. It was subsequently owned
by a Wall Street financier--the father of a NATION writer named Bobby
Tuckman--who sold it to then-NATION editor Freda Kirchwey in the
1930s for $35,000 (which he loaned to her). NATION editor-owner
Kirchwey was a former member of the early 20th-century
Intercollegiate Socialist Society (ISS) campus group that Jack London
and Upton Sinclair had headed.

By the early 1940s, however, THE NATION was an increasingly large
money-loser and was in danger of folding because of its financial
difficulties. So in early 1943, Kirchwey decided on a reorganization
plan to keep THE NATION publishing. She divested herself of her
individual ownership and created a new, nonprofit organization,
Nation Associates, which would own THE NATION on a nonprofit
basis--although Kirchwey would still determine the magazine's
editorial direction by serving as its publisher. In 1955, Kirchwey
retired and a health insurance industry executive named George C.
Kirstein became the magazine's publisher and the principal financial
backer of the nonprofit Nation Associates, which continued to own the

In the 1970s, however, THE NATION was on the verge of bankruptcy
again, until a group of investors led by Hamilton Fish III purchased
ownership of THE NATION. Although Hamilton Fish's group of investors
sold THE NATION in 1985 to a former Wall Street investment banker
(whose real estate and utilities properties were worth about $200
million in 1991) named Arthur Carter, as recently as 2000 Hamilton
Fish was being paid $83,000 a year salary by the magazine's
tax-exempt Nation Institute affiliate for being the Nation
Institute's president.

After purchasing THE NATION in 1985, Arthur Carter began
publishing his NEW YORK OBSERVER weekly newspaper in 1987, under the
initial supervision of former New York Times Company Vice-Chairman
James Goodale, a Wall Street corporate lawyer at Debevoise &
Plimplton who was a member of the Democratic Party National
Convention's rules committee in 1988. Although NEW YORK OBSERVER
owner Carter sold THE NATION magazine in 1995 to a group of investors
that included Columbia University Magazine Journalism Center Director
Victor Navasky, former Corporation for Public Broadcasting
Chairperson Alan Sagner, Hollywood actor Paul Newman, novelist E.I.
Doctorow and the current editor, Katrina vanden Heuvel, Arthur Carter
has continued to sit on the board of trustees of the Nation Institute
in recent years.

NATION magazine editor Katrina vanden Heuvel is the daughter of
International Rescue Committee [IRC] board member William vanden
Heuvel. NATION editor Vanden Heuvel's father is mentioned in the book
THE CULTURAL COLD WAR by Frances Stoner Saunders in the following
reference to the CIA-linked Farfield Foundation: "First
president of the Farfield [Foundation], and the CIA's most
significant front-man, was Julius `Junkie' Fleischmann, the
millionaire heir to a high yeast and gin fortune...He had helped
finance THE NEW YORKER...`The Farfield Foundation was a CIA
foundation and there were many such foundations,' Tom Braden went on
to explain...Other Farfield directors included William vanden Heuvel
a New York lawyer who was close to both John and Bobby Kennedy."

A short review by Michael Rogin of THE CULTURAL COLD WAR book,
entitled "When The CIA Was The NEA," appeared in THE
NATION's June 12, 2000 issue. It also made a reference to "small
CIA-created nonprofits, especially the Farfield foundation," yet
failed to disclose to THE NATION readers that the father of the
magazine's editor used to sit on the Farfield Foundation board.

In the 1950s, the Farfield Foundation helped subsidize the
activity of the liberal anti-communist American Committee for
Cultural Freedom. As the book THE HIGHER CIRCLES by G. William
Domhoff noted in 1970: "It seems that in the mid-fifties the
head of the American Committee for Cultural Freedom was having
trouble getting money for his project. So he wrote to Edward Lilly, a
member of a governmental agency for coordinating intelligence and
psychological warfare operations, to plead his case. At the same time
he wrote to [non-communist leftist Norman] Thomas, asking him to get
in touch with [then-CIA Director] Allen Dulles via telephone. Shortly
thereafter the American Committee for Cultural Freedom received
$14,000 from the Farfield Foundation and the Asia Foundation...Thomas
then wrote to the committee head: `I am, of course, delighted that
the Farfield Foundation came through...'" The 1982 book ROOTED
Coxsedge also observed that: "The CIA is not so crude as to
simply hand over money directly. It normally uses wealthy
philanthropists such as the J.M. Kaplan Fund and foundations such as
the Asia Foundation, the Farfield Foundation and the Hoblitzelle

Born in 1930, NATION editor Vanden Heuvel's father apparently
served between 1953 and 1954 as the executive assistant to CIA
founder William "Wild Bill" Donovan, when Donovan was the
U.S. Ambassador to Thailand. In their 1998 book WHITE OUT: THE CIA,
DRUGS AND THE PRESS, Alexander Cockburn and Jeffrey St. Clair make
the following references to the political role that U.S. Ambassador
to Thailand Donovan played around the time that IRC board member
Vanden Heuvel apparently was Ambassador Donovan's executive

General Phao had been made director of Thailand's
national police after the CIA-backed coup of 1948 led by Major
General Phin Choohannan. Phao's 40,000-member police force, the
Police Knights, immediately engaged in a campaign of assassinations
of Phin and Phao's political enemies. These troops also assumed
control of Thailand's lucrative opium trade...Phao's control of the
opium trade was directly abetted by the CIA, which had funneled him
$35 million in aid...

In the 1950s the CIA backed General Phao in a struggle
with another Thai general for monopoly of control of Thailand's opium
and heroin trade...Backed by squads of CIA advisers, Phao set about
the task of turning Thailand into a police state. The country's
leading dissidents and academics were jailed...Phao also cornered the
country's gold market, played a leading role on the top twenty
corporate boards in the country, charged leading executives and
businessmen protection fees and ran prostitution houses and gambling
dens. Phao became great friends with Bill Donovan, at that time U.S.
ambassador to Thailand.

In the early 1960s, NATION editor Vanden Heuvel's father served as
U.S. Attorney-General Robert F. Kennedy's special assistant.
According to WHITEOUT: THE CIA, DRUGS AND THE PRESS, around the time
that William Vanden Heuvel was his special assistant, RFK "was
obsessed with the elimination of Castro," and "told Allen
Dulles that he didn't care if the Agency employed the Mob for the hit
as long as they kept him fully briefed."

During the 1960s and 1970s, NATION editor Vanden Heuvel's father
also became increasingly active in the International Rescue Committee
[IRC] In addition to being a current board member of the IRC, William
vanden Heuvel has, in the past, held the posts of IRC President, IRC
Vice-Chairman and Chairman of the Planning Committee of the IRC.

In an essay that appeared in the Summer 1997 issue of NEW POLITICS
magazine, entitled "Albert Shanker: No Flowers," Paul Buhle
made the following reference to the International Rescue Committee's
historical role: "Eric Chester's important recent volume, COVERT
CIA, offers a well-researched perspective on one of the most
interesting Cold War (and post-Cold War) operations linked on one
side to favorite causes of prominent liberals and on the other to
assorted intelligence agency projects...The International Rescue
Committee [IRC] became a central mechanism--through its spin-off
American Friends of Vietnam [AFVN]--for selling the impending Vietnam
War to the U.S. public...The young Daniel Patrick Moynihan, working
as its public relations officer, had described the IRC as the `ideal
instrument of Psychological Warfare.'

"The IRC was subsequently involved directly or indirectly in
a shef of other operations...As during the U.S. saturation bombing in
Southeast Asia, the IRC followed U.S. trained and funded military
forces decimating large districts of El Salvador..."

was published in 1995 by M.E. Sharpe Inc. An unsigned review of the
book that appeared on the Internet described Chester's book in the
following way: "The Cold War period in American history was
characterized by a seamless cooperation among international
charities, quasi-governmental organizations, major foundation,
funding conduits, and the CIA...This book singles out the
International Rescue Committee, and to a lesser extent the Ford

During the 1980s, the Interhemispheric Resource Center in
Albuquerque also examined the political role that the IRC has played
historically. Besides noting that the IRC board members in the 1980s
included folks like Richard Holbrooke, Henry Kissinger, Ronald
Lauder, Albert Shanker and William vanden Heuvel, the
Interhemispheric Resource Center also observed:

The IRC has consistently followed policies which have
indeed coincided with U.S. foreign policy interests. It has operated
in such geopolitical hotspots as Southeast Asia, Central America,
Afghanistan, and Eastern Europe, conducting programs which have
bolstered Washington's anti-communist activities...

Many of IRC's members have ties to the intelligence
community, and at least one author calls the IRC "a long-time
ally of the Central Intelligence Agency."

...In 1987, it received approximately 72 percent of its
fundings from U.S. government contracts and grants...

In 1987, IRC received a $1 million grant from the
National Endowment for Democracy [NED], which was appropriated by the
U.S. Congress through the Agency for International development [AID],
to "assist the independent Polish trade union Solidarity..."
...Recently, IRC's major focus has been on the Afghan refugees...IRC
has published 10 books for the National Endowment for
Democracy-funded American Friends of Afghanistan [AFA]...

[Former IRC Chairperson] Leo Cherne [since-deceased] has
a long history of intelligence connections. He served as a member of
the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board from 1973-1976,
the chairman from 1976-1979, and most recently, served as the
vice-chair on former President Ronald Reagan's Foreign Intelligence
Advisory Board...In 1954 Cherne sent a cable to a U.S. government
official about the situation in Vietnam, "If free elections were
held today all agree privately communists would win...Future depends
on organizing all resources to resettle refugees, sustain now
bankrupt government..." During the Reagan Administration, Cherne
was involved in private fund raising efforts coordinated by the
National Security Council aimed at disseminating propaganda
supporting U.S. foreign policy.

William Casey [former IRC president] was one of the
members of an IRC commission that visited Indochinese refugee camps
in 1978 and advocated "a virtual open-door policy" for
letting the refugees into the U.S. Under Reagan, Casey was head of
the CIA until his death in 1987...

John Richardson [former IRC president} was the Assistant
Secretary of State for Cultural Affairs from 1969-1977. He served as
the head of the U.S. Information Agency's [USIA] Radio Free
Europe/Radio Liberty from 1961-1968. During those years, it was
closely linked to the CIA...

The IRC was heavily involved in supporting the regime of
Ngo Dinh Diem in Vietnam. In fact, the executive committee for the
pro-Diem lobby, the American Friends of Vietnam, was virtually
identical to that of the IRC. The strongest supporter of Diem in the
group was former IRC official Joseph Buttinger..."

In the late 1960s, THE NATION editor's father was the president of
the IRC at the same time former CIA Director William Casey was the
chairman of the IRC's executive committee. And according to the
minutes of the IRC board of directors meeting of June 15, 1967, "Leo
Cherne appointed the following Middle East Subcommittee: William
Casey, Leo Cherne, David Sher, William vanden Heuvel and Edwin
Wesley" and "The Board meeting adjourned at 7:10 and was
followed by the first meeting of the Middle East Subcommittee."

Besides sitting on the IRC board next to NATION editor Katrina
vanden Heuvel's father in both the late 1960s and the mid-1970s,
former CIA Director Casey was also one of the original investors and
a director of the Capital Cities media conglomerate that gobbled-up
ABC in the 1980s--before, itself, being gobbled-up by the Disney
Company media conglomerate in the 1990s. Former IRC President Casey
also sat on the board of directors of the LILCO utility company,
which operated the Shoreham nuclear power plant on Long Island,
despite the opposition of U.S. anti-nuclear power activists in the
1970s. Prior to managing Reagan's successful 1980 campaign for the
GOP presidential nomination, IRC board member Casey had also worked
in the corporate law firm of Rogers & Wells, where he represented
the special interests of clients like Saudia American Lines,
International Crude Oil Refining Company and the Government of
Indonesia. As Reagan's CIA director until his death in 1987, former
IRC board member Casey continued to retain control of over $3 million
worth of stock in companies like DuPont and Exxon while he
simultaneously made decisions at the CIA which affected the
profitability of his personal stock holdings.

Casey was not the only IRC director who became involved in
politically partisan Establishment party presidential campaigns in
the 1970s and early 1980s. During the 1976 presidential campaign,
NATION editor Vanden Heuvel's father also chaired the New York State
presidential primary campaign committee of former U.S. President
Jimmy Carter. In a January 12, 1976 letter to Robert Shnayerson, the
then-editor-in-chief of HARPER'S magazine, NATION editor Vanden
Heuvel's father wrote:

It is my understanding that you were considering an
article regarding the presidential candidacy of former governor Jimmy
Carter in your March issue of Harper's magazine. In that context, I
send you a copy of a telegram from Congressman Andrew Young addressed
to a recent column published by the Village Voice. I hope you will
find it interesting and relevant.

If there are any questions, please call me at either
425-XXXX or 757-XXXX.

Yours sincerely, William vanden Heuvel.

The telegram referred to in IRC board member William vanden
Heuvel's letter (sent by former Carter Administration Ambassador to
the UN Andrew Young to a Bardle B. at Carter Headquarters on 1/9/76)
made the following reference to a column written by Alexander
Cockburn: "The January 12 column by Alexander Cockburn, `The
Riddle of Jimmy Carter, Can A Dark Horse Change His Spots,' is a
wonderful example of the creation of `The Big Lie' by a compilation
of half truth and distorted facts.

"Jimmy Carter is not and never has been guilty of the kind of
implied racism of these charges. He is one of the finest products of
a most misunderstood region of our nation."

Zinn: "The Democratic candidate for President in 1976, Jimmy
Carter, was a member of the Trilateral Commission...Indeed, the
number of Trilateral Commission members appointed to important posts
in the Carter administration was startling. Brzezinski became his
National Security Adviser...Walter Mondale, the new Vice-President,
was a member of the Trilateral Commission. So were Ambassador to the
United Nations Andrew Young, Secretary of the Treasury Michael
Blumenthal, and Secretary of Defense Harold Brown...The price of food
and the necessities of life continued to rise faster than wages were
rising. Unemployment remained officially at 6 or 8
percent--unofficially, the rates were higher. For certain key groups
in the population--young people, and especially young black
people--the unemployment rate was 20 percent or 30 percent.

"By 1978 it was clear that blacks in the United States, the
group most in support of Carter for President, and without whose
support he could not have been elected, were bitterly disappointed
with his policies. He opposed federal aid to poor people who needed
abortions, and when it was pointed out to him that this was unfair,
because rich women could get abortions with ease, he replied: `Well,
as you know, there are many things in life that are not fair, that
wealthy people can afford and poor people cannot.'"

On October 6, 1976 the then-executive vice president of THE NEW
YORK TIMES, Sydney Gruson, also wrote the following letter to William
vanden Heuvel (on New York Times Company stationary), which was
apparently mailed to Carter/Mondale Headquarters at 730 Fifth Avenue
in Manhattan: "Dear Bill: Enclosed is the resume of my brother
that I spoke to you about. He is an extremely talented fellow.
Anything you can do will be deeply appreciated. How about bringing
your fellow in for lunch before the election? As ever, Sydney."

The NATION editor's father then wrote the following letter on
October 12, 1976 to one of the people who apparently would be
responsible for offering people jobs in a new Carter
Administration--Jack Watson of the King & Spalding corporate law
firm. (Disclosure note: a King & Spalding lawyer in Manhattan is
currently representing his landlord father in a frivolous,
harassment-type lawsuit against a rent-stabilized tenant who is a
sister of the writer of this article): "Dear Jack, Sydney Gruson
is the Executive Vice President of the New York Times. He made a
special point the other evening of taking me aside and asking me to
forward a resume for his brother, Edward Gruson. It would be helpful
if you could have someone review the resume--and perhaps a note from
you to Sydney Gruson as well as to his brother would be most useful.
Sincerely, William vanden Heuvel."

That same day, the 1976 Carter/Mondale New York Campaign official
Vanden Heuvel also wrote the following letter to New York Times
Executive Vice President Sydney Gruson:

Dear Sidney, I have forwarded Edward's resume with a
special note to Jack Watson. If Governor Carter does win the
election, I assume Jack will have a major transitional role,
including personnel. In my next conversation with him, I will pursue
the matter.

My guess is that Governor Carter's schedule is not going
to permit lunch before the election. The debates make scheduling
almost impossible because they require essentially three days for
each event.

Hoping to see you very soon.
As ever, William vanden Heuvel

After Trilateral Commission member Carter was elected president,
he eventually named William vanden Heuvel to be his deputy permanent
representative to the United Nations. The IRC board member vanden
Heuvel's daughter, Katrina, meanwhile attended Princeton University,
majored in politics and apparently graduated from Princeton in 1981.
According to an article by Van Wallach which appeared in a March 20,
1996 issue of a Princeton alumni publication, Katrina vanden Heuvel
began working "as a NATION intern for nine months after taking
the `Politics and the Press' course taught by Blair Clark, the
magazine's editor from 1976 to 1978" and "returned to THE
NATION in 1984 as assistant editor for foreign affairs." In 1988
she married a professor named Stephen F. Cohen, who was also a
contributing editor of THE NATION in 1996. In recent years, a
"Stephen F. Cohen--NYU" has also been on a POST-SOVIET
AFFAIRS magazine editorial board that also includes a "James
Noren--Central Intelligence Agency." In 1989, IRC board member
vanden Heuvel's daughter was then named "THE NATION
editor-at-large, responsible for its coverage of the USSR" and
"in 1990 she co-founded LYI I MYI...a quarterly journal linking
American and Russian women," according to the Princeton alumni

After the former NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE editor-turned NATION
magazine editor, Victor Navasky, organized the for-profit business
partnership (which included Katrina vanden Heuvel as one of the
business partners) to buy THE NATION magazine from NEW YORK OBSERVER
owner Arthur Carter, Navasky appointed Katrina vanden Heuvel as the
editor, while he assumed the title of publisher and editorial

By 1996, NATION editor Vanden Heuvel had "moved the
magazine's content into new venues through a syndicated radio program
and a World-Wide web page," according to the Princeton alumni
publication article. Like Pacifica's DEMOCRACY NOW show and FAIR's
COUNTERSPIN show, the syndicated NATION magazine radio show, RADIO
NATION, is also subsidized by Establishment foundation money. The
money is granted to the non-profit division of THE NATION magazine,
The Nation Institute, on whose board of trustees sits NATION editor
Vanden Heuvel and the former member of the PBS board of directors who
used to head the MacArthur Foundation's "genius grant"
program, Catharine Stimpson. The Dean of an NYU Graduate School in
recent years, Stimpson has also been the treasurer of The Nation
Institute in recent years. Of the $1.4 million in annual revenues
which The Nation Institute takes in, around $88,000 is spent on
producing the magazine's syndicated RADIO NATION show, which is aired
on around 100 U.S. radio stations, including Pacifica Radio's
stations. NATION magazine editors and writers who have attempted to
smear and marginalize 9/11 conspiracy journalists and researchers in
recent months, like David Corn, have also apparently been using RADIO
NATION as a self-promotional, radio tie-in media outlet for advancing
their careers as professional journalists in the Establishment's
mainstream media world.

Part 4:

Although David Barsamian's ALTERNATIVE RADIO show is aired on a
number of NPR stations which are subsidized by both corporate
underwriters and grants from various Establishment foundations, the
Institute for Social & Cultural Change Communications Inc. (of
which ALTERNATIVE RADIO is a part) doesn't appear to have yet been
given grants directly from the Ford Foundation or other Establishment
foundations. However, one of ALTERNATIVE RADIO's most frequently
featured guests, MIT Professor Noam Chomsky, was given a $350,000
"Kyoto Prize" by the Japanese Establishment's Inamori
Foundation in 1988.

The Institute for Social & Cultural Change Communications Inc.
does business as Z magazine. Ironically, although it may have taken
its name from a Costa-Gavras film adaptation of the novel Z (which
dramatizes the uncovering of an assassination conspiracy), Z magazine
has attempted to marginalize 9/11 conspiracy researchers and
journalists in recent months on its web site and in its printed

According to its 990 form for the fiscal year ending December 31,
2000, Z magazine takes in over $641,000 a year in gross revenues and
only has annual expenses of $531,000. A big chunk of Z magazine's
annual revenues goes to three members of just one family: the
Albert-Sargent family. At least $120,000 per year of Z magazine's
total revenues ends up in the pockets of either Michael Albert, his
partner Lydia Sargent or Lydia's son Eric Sargent. All three family
members are each paid an annual salary of $30,000 by Z magazine. An
additional $10,000 in "rent" is paid to each family member
by Z magazine for the "office space" that the
Albert-Sargent family "rents" from itself, to publish its Z
magazine and maintain its web site.

Although the left entrepreneur family that publishes Z magazine
took in $120,000 in the fiscal year ending 12/31/2000, all the
writers it published were only paid $38,700 during the year, for the
articles they wrote.

Of the $38,700 which the Albert-Sargent family paid its writers in
2000, $4,400 was given to ALTERNATIVE RADIO producer David Barsamian,
with an introduction by DEMOCRACY NOW INC's Amy Goodman, in 2000 by
South End Press. Although a chart in Barsamian's book on public
broadcasting indicates that the Ford Foundation was among the PBS
national programming underwriters who contributed more than $1
million in 2000, the book's index apparently contains no reference to
the Ford Foundation's crucial role in setting up the public
broadcasting system. Barsamian's book index also contains no
reference to the Schumann Foundation, although it makes 3 references
to book passages that describe Schumann Foundation President Bill
Moyers' Public Affairs TV programs in a favorable way.

South End Press is the business enterprise of the Institute for
Social &Cultural Change publishing firm which the Albert-Sargent
family started in 1984, apparently with the help of $232,956 in
low-interest "loans" from various individuals and
organizations, that will no longer have to be paid back. According to
the South End Press's form 990 for the fiscal year ending 6/30/200,
the book publishing arm of Z magazine (which markets books like
ALTERNATIVE RADIO producer Barsamian co-authored), took in over $1
million from its book sales.

So if Z magazine/web site and South End Press were considered as
one left business entity, we would be talking about a business that
takes in about $1.7 million a year from the cultural leftism market.
In times of U.S. imperialist war, anti-war books by anti-conspiracy
theorist Chomsky, such as 9/11, tend to sell well and even make
mainstream media best-seller lists. So, even without being directly
dependent upon grants from Establishment Foundations which wish to
discourage public opinion from considering the evidence dug up by
U.S. conspiracy journalists and researchers, ALTERNATIVE RADIO/Z
MAGAZINE/SOUTH END PRESS may have a vested economic interest in
attempting to marginalize anti-war journalists involved in 9/11
conspiracy research and journalism.

Last edited by Bert.G on Sun 25 Oct 2009, 6:23 pm; edited 2 times in total
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PostSubject: Re: Exposing the False Left   Sun 25 Oct 2009, 6:03 pm

Part 5:
MOTHER JONES / Foundation for National Progress

Progress received a lot of money from Public Affairs TV Inc.
Executive Director Bill Moyers' Schumann Foundation in the 1990s. In
1995, for instance, MOTHER JONES/Foundation for National Progress was
given a $500,000 grant by Moyers' Schumann Foundation "to
support MOTHER JONES magazine." A second grant of $150,000 was
given to MOTHER JONES/Foundation for National Progress in 1996 "to
support the hiring of a new senior editor at MOTHER JONES magazine."
And an additional grant of $100,000 was given to MOTHER
JONES/Foundation for National Progress in 1997 "to promote money
in politics investigation by MOTHER JONES magazine." As Rick
Edmunds noted in a recent essay on the Internet (entitled "Getting
Behind the Media: What are the subtle trade offs of foundation
support for journalism?"): "Though it is often buried in
the fine print of the masthead...many journals of opinion are
themselves nonprofit, the better to attract foundation funding. That
is true of MOTHER JONES."

MOTHER JONES magazine claims to be a non-profit "Foundation
for National Progress." Yet MOTHER JONES magazine took in nearly
$6 million in annual revenues in 2000, including $822,358 from the
sale of advertising space and $176,140 from renting out its
subscriber list. From this gross income of $6 million in 2000, MOTHER
JONES/Foundation for National Progress then paid out the following
salaries to its top alternative media executives:

1. MOTHER JONES magazine Editor-in-Chief Roger Cohn was paid an
annual salary of $144,670;

2. MOTHER JONES magazine Publisher and Foundation for National
Progress Board President Jay Haris--a former general manager of the
Washington Post Company's NEWSWEEK magazine's Pacifica
operations--was paid an annual salary of $144,379;

3. MOTHER JONES magazine Director of Sales & Marketing Eric
Weiss was paid an annual salary of $105,004;

4. MOTHER JONES magazine Creative Director Jane Palecek was paid
an annual salary of $88,197;

5. Foundation for National Progress Secretary/Treasurer and CEO
Joan Catherine Braun was paid an annual salary of $85,453;

6. MOTHER JONES magazine Editor Eric Bates was paid an annual
salary of $74,716; and

7. MOTHER JONES magazine Advertising Manager Eileen Ellis was paid
an annual salary of $67,233; and

8. MOTHER JONES Art Director Caroline Joy was paid an annual
salary of $61,187.

MOTHER JONES/Foundation for National Progress also spent $247,000
on fund-raising in 2000; and its board of directors included Anita
Roddick of the Body Shop, Kadima Foundation Chair Chara Schreyer, HKH
Foundation director Harriet Barlow and MOTHER JONES magazine founder
Adam Hochschild. Hochschild also has set up the Adam Hochschild
Charitable Trust/Sequoia Fund, whose stated tax-exempt purpose is to
"promote the charitable literary and educational purposes of
Foundation for National Progress." According to its 2000 report,
the Adam Hochschild Charitable Trust/Sequoia Fund apparently did this
by contributing $2.4 million worth of stock to MOTHER
JONES/Foundation for National Progress. As a result, $1,176,617 worth
of WalMart Stores stock (19,082 shares) was apparently owned by
MOTHER JONES/Foundation for National Progress in 2001.

Besides receiving money from Bill Moyers' Schumann Foundation and
the Hochschild Charitable Trust/Sequoia Fund of one its own board
members, another interesting connection to the world of Establishment
foundations exists at MOTHER JONES magazine. In 1997, the wife of
MOTHER JONES/Foundation for National Progress board member Adam
Hochschild--University of California-Berkeley Professor of Sociology
Arlie Russell Hochschild--was given a $3 million grant by the Alfred
P. Sloan Foundation "to establish a Center for Working Families"
at UC-Berkeley, which she now directs. Among the Establishment folks
who presently sit on the board of trustees of the Sloan Foundation
which funds UC-Berkeley Professor Arlie Russell Hochschild's center
is former Secretary of the Air Force Sheila Widnall--who presently
represents MIT on the board of trustees of the Pentagon's weapons
research think-tank: the Institute for Defense Analyses
(www.ida.org). Other members of the Sloan Foundation board include
former chairmen of the General Motors, JP Morgan and Morgan Stanley
corporate boards and two other MIT professors. In 1991, the wife of
MOTHER JONES/Foundation for National Progress board member Hochschild
also was apparently given a grant by the Ford Foundation.

So it's probably not likely that many muckraking articles about
either the Ford Foundation's historic relationship to the CIA, Bill
Moyers' Schumann Foundation and Public Affairs TV Inc., the Sloan
Foundation, the Institute for Defense Analyses, MIT or
UC-Berkeley--or on what evidence has been dug up by 9/11 conspiracy
journalists and researchers--will be published much by the MOTHER
JONES magazine alternative media gatekeepers/censors.

Part 6:

The editor of PROGRESSIVE magazine, Matthew Rothschild, also
attempted to smear and marginalize 9/11 conspiracy journalists and
researchers a few months ago. Coincidentally, the Madison,
Wisconsin-based PROGRESSIVE enterprise has also been receiving a lot
of money from the foundations of a politically unprogressive U.S.
Establishment since the 1990s.

In 1992, for instance, a $50,000 grant was given to PROGRESSIVE by
the MacArthur Foundation (on whose board ABC News radio commentator
Paul Harvey and Enron Global Power & Pipelines director Thomas
Theobald have sat for many years) "to solicit and disseminate
opinion pieces relevant to U.S. foreign policy and international
security." That same year, "several MacArthur staff
members" were "called to consult with staff members of Bill
Clinton's presidential campaign," according to THE CHRONICLE OF
PHILANTHROPY. And, during the late 1990s, one of the top Clinton
Administration economic policymakers, Laura Tyson, became a member of
the MacArthur Foundation board of directors.

An additional $150,000 grant was also given to PROGRESSIVE by the
MacArthur Foundation in 1994. And in 2002, the MacArthur Foundation
gave $120,000 more in grant money to the PROGRESSIVE enterprise,
whose magazine anti-conspiracy theorist Matthew Rothschild edits.

enterprise has also been receiving a lot of money from the Ford
Foundation since the 1990s. In 1998, for instance, PROGRESSIVE was
given a $200,000 grant by the Ford Foundation (on whose board of
trustees sat Clinton crony Vernon Jordan). And in 2000, two more
grants, totaling $250,000, were given to PROGRESSIVE by the Ford

Besides receiving grants from the MacArthur Foundation and the
Ford Foundation, PROGRESSIVE has also obtained funds from The
Rockefeller Foundation in recent years. In 1998, for instance, a
$50,000 grant was given to PROGRESSIVE by The Rockefeller Foundation.

In 2000, PROGRESSIVE Inc. took in an annual income of $1.7
million, including $69,727 from its sale of advertising space. And
its editor, Matthew Rothschild, has apparently been paid an annual
salary of $44,468 in recent years--for putting out a Democratic
Party-oriented magazine that rarely mentions the Ford Foundation's
historic relation to the CIA and rarely publishes articles written by
9/11 conspiracy journalists or researchers.

Part 7:

In her book THE CULTURAL COLD WAR, Frances Stoner Saunders
recalled how the Ford Foundation collaborated with the CIA in the
past--on behalf of the Ultra-Rich families of the U.S.
Establishment's power elite--to perpetuate a globalized corporate
economic system which denies political, economic and cultural freedom
and equality to the majority of humanity:

"Incorporated in 1936, the Ford Foundation was the
tax-exempt cream of the vast Ford fortune...The foundation had a
record of close involvement in covert actions in Europe, working
closely with Marshall Plan and CIA officials on specific
projects...On 21 January 1953, Allen Dulles, insecure about his
future in the CIA under the newly elected Eisenhower, had met his
friend David Rockefeller for lunch. Rockefeller hinted heavily that
if Dulles decided to leave the Agency, he could reasonably expect to
be invited to become president of the Ford Foundation. Dulles need
not have feared for his future...Allen Dulles was to become Director
of Central Intelligence.

"The new president of the Ford Foundation was
announced shortly after. He was John McCloy...By the time he came to
the Ford Foundation, he had been Assistant Secretary of War,
president of the World Bank...In 1953 he also became chairman of the
Rockefellers' Chase Manhattan Bank, and chairman of the Council on
Foreign Relations. After John F. Kennedy's assassination, he was a
Warren Commission appointee...McCloy took a pragmatic view of the
CIA's inevitable interest in the Ford Foundation when he assumed its
presidency. Addressing the concerns of some of the foundation's
executives, who felt that its reputation for integrity and
independence was being undermined by involvement with the CIA, McCloy
argued that if they failed to cooperate, the CIA would simply
penetrate the foundation quietly by recruiting or inserting staff at
lower levels. McCloy's answer to this problem was to create an
administrative unit within the Ford Foundation specifically to deal
with the CIA. Headed by McCloy and two foundation officers, this
three-man committee had to be consulted every time the Agency wanted
to use the foundation, either as a pass-through, or as cover. `They
would check in with this particular committee, and if it was felt
that this was a reasonable thing and would not be against the
foundation's long-term interests, then the project would be passed
along to the internal staff and other foundation officers (without
them) knowing the origins of the proposal,' explained McCloy's
biographer, Kai Bird.

"With this arrangement in place, the Ford Foundation
became officially engaged as one of those organizations the CIA was
able to mobilize for political warfare...The foundation's archives
reveal a raft of joint projects. The East European Fund, a CIA front
in which George Kennan played a prominent role, got most of its money
from the Ford Foundation...The foundation gave $500,000 to Bill
Casey's International Rescue Committee [of which NATION editor Vanden
Heuvel's father was also an official], and substantial grants to
another CIA front, the World Assembly of Youth. It was also one of
the single largest donors to the Council on Foreign Relations, an
independent think-tank which exerted enormous influence on American
foreign policy, and which operated (and continues to operate)
according to strict confidentiality rules which include a
twenty-five-year embargo on the release of its records...

"McGeorge Bundy, became president of the Ford
Foundation in 1966 (coming straight from his job as Special Assistant
to the President in Charge of National Security, which meant, among
other things, monitoring the CIA)...The Congress for Cultural
Freedom...was one of Ford Foundation's largest grantees, receiving $7
million by the early 1960s..."

THE CULTURAL COLD WAR book also recalled how the money from the
J.M. Kaplan family (some of which has been thrown towards
Pacifica/DEMOCRACY NOW in recent years) was used in the past by the
CIA: "In 1956...J.M. Kaplan, president of the Welch Grape Juice
Company, and president and treasurer of the Kaplan Foundation
(assets: $14 million), wrote to Allen Dulles offering his
services...Dulles subsequently arranged for a CIA `representative' to
make an appointment with Kaplan. The Kaplan Foundation could soon be
counted as an asset, a reliable `pass-through' for secret funds
earmarked for CIA projects, amongst them the Congress for Cultural
Freedom, and an institute headed by veteran socialist and chairman of
the American Committee for Cultural Freedom, Norman Thomas.

"The use of philanthropic foundations was the most
convenient way to pass large sums of money to Agency projects without
alerting the recipients to their source. By the mid-1950s, the CIA's
intrusion into the foundation field was massive. Although figures are
not available for this period, the general counsel of a 1952 Congress
committee appointed to investigate US foundations concluded that `An
unparalleled amount of power is concentrated increasingly in the
hands of an interlocking and self-perpetuating group. Unlike the
power of corporate management, it is unchecked by stockholders;
unlike the power of government, it is unchecked by the people; unlike
the power of the churches, it is unchecked by any firmly established
canons of value.' In 1976, a Select Committee appointed to
investigate US intelligence activities reported on the CIA's
penetration of the foundation field by the mid-1960s: during 1963-6,
of the 700 grants over $10,000 given by 164 foundations, at least 108
involved partial or complete CIA funding. More importantly, CIA
funding was involved in nearly half the grants made by these 164
foundations in the field of international activities during the same

"`Bona fide' foundations such as Ford, Rockefeller
and Carnegie were considered `the best and most plausible kind of
funding cover.' A CIA study of 1966 argued that this technique was
`particularly effective for democratically run membership
organizations, which need to assure their own unwitting members and
collaborators, as well as their hostile critics, that they have
genuine, respectable, private sources of income.' Certainly, it
allowed the CIA to fund a seemingly limitless range of covert action
programs affecting youth groups, labor unions, universities,
publishing houses, and other private institutions from the early

Among the liberal-left Establishment anti-war folks sponsored by
the Ford Foundation during the 1960s was a former head of the
CIA-subsidized National Student Association [NSA] named Allard
Lownestein (who was assassinated under mysterious circumstances in
1980 by Dennis Sweeney). According to the 1985 book THE PIED PIPER:

"Students followed Lowenstein in his quest for a
just and peaceful world. But they did not know that his deep sense of
patriotism and intense anti-Communism led him to work for the CIA in
Africa and Spain and to inform on suspected Communists in the civil
rights movement...In 1962...according to sources with background in
intelligence work, he was formally recruited by the Central
Intelligence Agency. Although the author's attempts to obtain
Lowenstein's CIA file under the Freedom of Information-Privacy Act
from the CIA and from his lawyer Gary Bellow proved unavailing, other
evidence overwhelmingly supports these sources...Lowenstein's work in
the CIA involved southern Africa, and because Franco supported
Portugal and South Africa, it also involved Spain, where Lowenstein
worked with the anti-Communist left opposed to Franco...Lowenstein
came to believe that his greatest enemies were to his left...

"According to sources, Lowenstein was separated from
the CIA sometime in 1967 (the sources say Lowenstein `was in the
agency from 1962 to 1967')...During 1975, Lowenstein became deeply
involved in the politics of Portugal because of his relationship with
Portugese Socialist Mario Soares, who was foreign minister at a
period when the Portuguese revolution was pushing increasingly
leftward. Involving Lowenstein was his friend Frank Carlucci, who
served as U.S. ambassador to Portugal from 1975 to 1978 and then as
Jimmy Carter's deputy director of the CIA...

"To further supplement his income, Lowenstein was to
work for the Ford Foundation, a consultancy having been arranged for
him by a friend...Lowenstein's job with the Ford Foundation, which,
according to his diary, included a $2,500 fee, all expenses, and
freedom to decide when and where he would work (an NSA grant had been
approved as well), enabled him to fly to various campuses, study the
causes of the unrest, and prepare a report. He particularly focused
on Berkeley where President Martin Meyerson attempted to use
Lowenstein as a peacemaker...A new generation of student leaders was
now openly challenging authority in more extreme ways than Lowenstein
had...Their rebellion was growing beyond the confines of the liberal
National Student Association, which Lowenstein had continued to
monitor. It was taking dangerous and unpredictable forms...On April
1, 1965, Paul Ylvisaker, the director of the Ford Foundation project
on campus unrest, wrote to Lowenstein: `This will confirm the
arrangements made with Mr. John Ehle for you to serve as a consultant
to the Foundation for a maximum of five days between April 1 and 9 to
explore the possibility of involving youth and student groups in
community action programs. We understand you will make brief visits
in institutions in North Carolina, Massachusetts, California and New
York. "`The Foundation will provide a daily fee of $50 and
reimbursement for first-class round-trip air transportation to your
destinations. Enclosed you will find expense report forms and
certificates of time worked, which we would appreciate your filling
out, signing and returning to us. Please send your transportation
stubs and hotel bills, and receipts for expenses of $25 or more.'"

Former Ford Foundation Consultant Lowenstein's friend, Carlucci,
later became the Secretary of Defense under Reagan and has been a top
executive at the Bush II White House and Ford Foundation Board of
Trustees-linked Carlyle Assets firm in recent years. In her 1982 book
Joan Coxsedge noted that "the Ford Foundation" also "took
over the funding of the Congress for Cultural Freedom after its CIA
cover was blown in 1966."

information about how the Ford Foundation has historically worked
with the CIA:

"The Ford Foundation...maintained a close and
continuing relationship with the intelligence community throughout
the most confrontational years of the Cold War.

"In particular, the Foundation established in 1951 a
subsidiary affiliate, the East European Fund, which disbursed its
considerable resources to projects oriented toward political exiles
from the Soviet Union. Over the next few years, the Foundation and
its affiliated fund worked closely with other organizations within
the covert network, including the International Rescue Committee...

"The New York office was headed by Bernard
Gladieux...After shifting to the Ford Foundation in 1950, Gladieux
remained a committed proponent of psychological warfare programs
targeted at the Soviet bloc countries. He continued to maintain
contacts with high officials in the Agency; while an officer of the
Foundation, he also `served in a consultant and liaison capacity with
the Central Intelligence Agency involving certain highly sensitive
matters.' Soon after being appointed director of Central Intelligence
in February 1953, Allen Dulles reassured Gladieux that he had been
kept `fully-advised of recent developments' and that he wanted `to
work closely with' Gladieux in the future.

"Within the New York office, John Howard had primary
responsibility for screening overseas grant proposals. This meant
that Howard was a key liaison between the Foundation and the CIA...

"[On March 5, 1958] Don Price...an associate
director of the Foundation, wrote Matthew Baird of the CIA to set up
a discussion on `potential ideas for future action.' Joining Price
would be John Howard, still a central figure in the oversight of
overseas programs. Baird responded by inviting Price and Howard to a
meeting at CIA headquarters with `40 or 50 Agency representatives'
from the Clandestine Services Division. The agenda would feature a
presentation by Price and Howard in which they would `discuss
informally those programs of the Foundation' that they felt would `be
of general interest to the Agency.' Afterward, the Ford Foundation
officials would meet with smaller groups of CIA staff to discuss
specific projects.

"The CIA and the Ford Foundation maintained close
relations throughout the 1950s and into the 1960s...

"Although the full extent of the Ford Foundation's
cooperation with the CIA over the last three decades cannot be
determined as long as the relevant files remain closed or
unavailable, it is clear that the Foundation worked closely with the
intelligence community on several sensitive operations during the

According to Chester's 1995 COVERT NETWORKS book, a Ford
Foundation grant of $150,000 was apparently used during the 1950s to
subsidize the activity of a right-wing anti-communist paramilitary
group, the "Fighting Group" in East Germany: "The Ford
Foundation was interested in funding the activities of the Fighting
Group from the start...Having approached top Agency officials, Howard
and Gladieux, of the New York office, concluded that `CIA officials
were unanimous in their view that Foundation support of the Fighting
Group would be most helpful...Fighting Group commandos blew up a
railroad bridge near Berlin just before an express train coming from
Warsaw was due to pass over it...A bridge over a canal was damaged
with explosives..."

The same book also noted how the IRC board member that NATION
editor Vanden Heuvel's father apparently worked for, William Donovan,
apparently also intervened in 1950s German domestic politics: "The
[International Rescue] Committee established a special Redefection
Commission in February 1956, with William Donovan, IRC board
member...as chair...Donovan and the rest of the commission
immediately embarked on an inspection tour of West German and
France...Donovan was utilizing the trip as a cover for a covert
mission to provide funds for cooperative politicians...While visiting
West Berlin, Donovan arranged to have couriers give [former West
German Chancellor Willy] Brandt one hundred thousand Deutschmarks in
cash at a clandestine rendezvous. The cash drop, worth twenty-five
thousand dollars at the time, was employed by Brandt to strengthen
his position within the Social Democratic Party."
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PostSubject: Re: Exposing the False Left   Sun 25 Oct 2009, 6:05 pm

Part 8:

For 13 years, a former national security affairs advisor in the
Kennedy and Johnson White House during the Vietnam War Era, McGeorge
Bundy, was the Ford Foundation's president. As James Ledbetter
recalled in his book MADE POSSIBLE BY... "The Ford effort took a
new twist in 1966, when the Foundation began plotting a system that
would unite satellite communication with educational broadcasting.
McGeorge Bundy, the former national security advisor who had
personally ordered American bombing raids on North Vietnam in early
1965, left the government and moved to the Ford Foundation to oversee
this plan...Bundy obtained his position without being knowledgeable
about, or even comfortable with, the medium of television..."

In a September 26, 1996 press release that was issued by the Ford
Foundation following its former long-time president's death, the
Trustees of the Ford Foundation stated:

"The Trustees of the Ford Foundation are deeply saddened by
the death of McGeorge Bundy on September 16 [1996]. Mr. Bundy served
as President of the Foundation from 1966 to 1979. He forged new lines
of work in such critically important areas as civil rights, overseas
development, and security and arms control. His intellect, candor,
and high standards left an indelible mark on the Foundation's
culture. The work of the Foundation today builds on Mac's legacy and
we are in his debt."

Yet evidence exists that former Ford Foundation President McGeorge
Bundy was apparently one of the White House officials responsible for
planning crimes against humanity during the Vietnam War Era, in
violation of the Nuremberg Accords.

On May 11, 1961, for instance, former Ford Foundation President
McGeorge Bundy signed "National Security Action Memorandum 52"
which approved a program for covert action against North Vietnam that
included forming "network of resistance, covert bases and teams
for sabotage and light harassment" in North Vietnam. And on
September 10, 1964, former Ford Foundation President McGeorge Bundy
signed "National Security Action Memorandum No. 314," which
approved the resumption of naval patrols and covert maritime
operations off the coast of North Vietnam.

According to THE PENTAGON PAPERS, each maritime operation against
North Vietnam after October 1964 had to be approved in advance by
former Ford Foundation President McGeorge Bundy. And among the
maritime operations approved in advance by the now-deceased former
Ford Foundation president were "ship-to-shore bombardment of
North Vietnam radar site" and "underwater demolition team
assaults on bridges along coastal roads, bridges and rails" in
North Vietnam.

In a February 7, 1965 memorandum to Democratic Party Leader Lyndon
Johnson, former Ford Foundation President McGeorge Bundy next
recommended that the U.S. adopt "a policy of `sustained
reprisal'" against North Vietnam; and on March 2, 1965 the
Johnson White House's "Rolling Thunder" bombing campaign
against North Vietnam was begun.

On April 6, 1965, former Ford Foundation President Bundy signed
"National Security Action Memorandum No. 328," in which he

"We should continue roughly the present slowly ascending
tempo of ROLLING THUNDER Operation...We should continue to vary the
type of target, stepping up attack on lines of communication in the
near future, and possibly moving in a few weeks to attacks on the
rail lines north and northeast of Hanoi.

"Leaflet operations should be expanded to obtain maximum
practicable psychological effect on the North Vietnamese population.

"Blockade or aerial mining of North Vietnamese ports needs
further study and should be considered for future operations...Air
operations in Laos...should be stepped up to the maximum remunerative

By the time McGeorge Bundy retired as Ford Foundation president in
1979, millions of people in Indochina and over 57,000 U.S. military
personnel had lost their lives, as a result of the militaristic
actions authorized by the "National Security Action Memorandum"
which the former Ford Foundation president personally signed.

A few years before his death in 1996, the former Ford Foundation
president had been named as a "Scholar-in-Residence" by the
same Carnegie Corporation of New York foundation which was to give a
$25,000 grant to Pacifica in 1996 to launch the DEMOCRACY NOW! show.
As the Carnegie Corporation of New York's "Scholar-in-Residence,"
former Ford Foundation President Bundy co-authored a 1993 book with
Stanford University Professor Sidney Drell and former Chairman of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff William J. Crowe (who also sat on the board of
directors of a Big Oil company called Texaco in the early 1990s),

In the acknowledgement section of their book, Bundy and his
co-authors noted that "the book is the product of a decision in
1990 by the Carnegie Corporation of New York to invite the three of
us to work as co-chairmen of a Carnegie Commission on Reducing the
Nuclear Danger;" and "we must express our warmest personal
thanks to Dr. David A. Hamburg, the president of the Carnegie
Corporation" and "the staff of the Carnegie Corporation has
helped with unfailing kindness and understanding."

Former Ford Foundation President Bundy and his co-authors then
expressed their support for the immoral 1991 high-technology U.S.
military attack on the people of Iraq, on behalf of Big Oil's special
interests, by writing:

"Saddam Hussein has provided a sharp reminder of a different
nuclear danger--that nuclear weapons may come into the hands of
unpredictable and adventurous rulers. We learned in Iraq that when
international awareness, will, and capability are all three
sufficient, it is possible to take effective action against such
danger...The case of Saddam is unique both in the breadth of the
international judgment that a bomb under his control would be
unacceptably dangerous and in the strength of the American presence
and engagement created by his aggression against Kuwait.
Multinational action against the Iraqi bomb has been effective, at
least in the short run...

"It is now evident that if Saddam's effort had not been
interrupted by the war he provoked, he would probably have had
nuclear weapons sometime in the 1990s--quite possibly in the first
half of the decade. Knowing Saddam as it now does, the world has been
shocked by this narrow escape. It is not surprising that an effective
consensus has developed, growing in strength as the process of
inquiry and dismantling has continued in Iraq, that the international
community should see to it that leaders such as Saddam do not get the

Yet three years after the former Ford Foundation president who was
one of the U.S. Establishment leaders responsible for crimes against
humanity in Vietnam joined his co-authors in rationalizing a pro-war
policy in relation to Iraq, the Ford Foundation board of trustees
asserted in 1996 that "the work of the Foundation today builds
on Mac's legacy and we are in his debt."

Perhaps a brief look at some of the corporate connections of those
who sit on the Ford Foundation board of trustees--and at how the Ford
Foundation operates--might indicate how "the Foundation today
builds on Mac's legacy" by, for instance, sponsoring alternative
media groups which generally attempt to marginalize
anti-war/anti-corporate 9/11 conspiracy journalists and researchers?.

Part 9:

The Ford Foundation's Vice-President for Media in recent years,
Alison Bernstein, was an associate dean at Princeton University
between 1990 and 1992. But for most of the last twenty years she has
been on the Ford Foundation payroll. [A poster to the WBAI Listener's
Bulletin Board a few months ago remembered Ford Foundation
Vice-President for Media Bernstein as being a family relation of the
now-deceased former conductor of the New York Philharmonic orchestra,
Leonard Bernstein; and as someone who, as a college student, claimed
to be anti-Establishment in her politics. But the accuracy of the
WBAI listener's memory of Alison Bernstein could not be confirmed.]

As the Ford Foundation's Vice-President for Media, Bernstein
implements the media policy priorities that are determined by
committees of the Ford Foundation board of trustees and authorized by
the Ford Foundation president. In recent years the Ford Foundation
board of trustees has included two former CEOs and former board
chairmen of the Xerox Corporation, the CEO and board chairman of
ALCOA, an executive vice-president and general counsel of Coca Cola
Company, the chairman and CEO of Levi Strauss & Co., the chairman
of Reuters Holdings, PLC, the senior partner of the Akin, Gump,Straus
Hauser & Feld lobbying firm, and the president of Vassar College.
Other corporations with directors who sat on the Ford Foundation
board of trustees in the late 1990s or after 2000 included Time
Warner, Chase Manhattan Bank, Ryder Systems, CBS, AT & T, Adolph
Coors Company, Dayton-Hudson, the Bank of England, J.P. Morgan,
Marine Midland Bank, Southern California Edison, KRCX Radio, the
Central Gas & Electric Corp. DuPont, Citicorp and the New York
Stock Exchange. A vice-president and general counsel of Texaco Inc.
named Deval Laurdine Patrick has also sat on the Ford Foundation
board of trustees in recent years.

The Ford Foundation's Board of Trustees' Education, Media, Arts
and Culture Committee in the late 1990s, for instance, included the
president of Vassar College, the chairman of Reuters Holdings PLC,
the former chairman and CEO of Xerox and Clinton crony Vernon
Jordan--also a director of Revlon, American Express, J.C. Penney,
Sara Lee, Xerox, Bankers Trust, Dow Jones, Union Carbide and Ryder
Systems. Clinton crony Jordan also was the chair of the Ford
Foundation Board of Trustee's Audit and Management Committee in the
late 1990s.

Currently, the wife of the Bush II White House's presidential
historian (Michael Beschloss] sits on the Ford Foundation board of
trustees. Ford Foundation Trustee Afsaneh Mashayetkhi Beschloss, a
former World Bank managing officer, also is the CEO/president of the
Carlyle Asset Management Group. President Bush II's father George
Bush, former Secretary of Defense and former Deputy CIA Director
Frank Carlucci, former Secretary of State James Baker and Billionaire
Speculator George Soros are also involved in the Carlyle Group that
Ford Foundation Trustee Mashayetkhi Beschloss manages. The Ford
Foundation board-linked Carlyle Group received $1.3 billion in
Pentagon war contracts in 1999, was the 11th-largest recipient of
Pentagon war contracts in 2000 and invests heavily in war stock.

A former member of the board of directors of Chase Manhattan Bank,
Susan Berresford has been the Ford Foundation president since 1996.
Ford Foundation President Berresford is presently a member of the
North American Committee of David Rockefeller's Trilateral
Commission--sitting next to other U.S. Establishment figures, such as
Zbigniew Brzezinski and Madeline Albright.

Ford Foundation President Berresford is also a member of the
Council on Foreign Relations, to which the Ford Foundation gave a
grant of $100,000 "for the development of a Council Task Force
on Terrorism" in 2002. Featured on the Council on Foreign
Relations web site at www.cfr.org on 9/26/02 was an advertisement for
"a New Council book," which stated "Invasion Is The
Only Realistic Option to Head off the Threat from Iraq, Argues
Kenneth Pollack in THE THREATENING STORM." In recent years, the
vice-chairman of the board of directors of the Council on Foreign
Relations, Carla Hill, has sat on the board of directors of Chevron
(as has National Security Affairs Adviser and former Carnegie
Corporation of NY Trustee Condoleezza Rice). Other members of the
Council on Foreign Relations include former CIA Director John Deutch,
former CIA Consultant/MacArthur Foundation Consultant and current
Northwestern University President Henry Bienen, Richard Holbrooke,
Billionaire Speculator George Soros and former MacArthur Foundation
Director Laura D'Andreas Tyson. A few years ago, the Ford Foundation
also gave a $701,130 grant to the Council on Foreign Relations for
"core support for the activities of the Program on Alternative
Future for Southern Asia, its Energy and United States Policy."

In a 2000 interview with PHILANTHROPY MAGAZINE, Trilateral
Commission member Susan Berresford gave the official version of how
the Ford Foundation operates:

We have a senior management team that meets every Monday
morning in my office...I approve all grants over $100,000. Grants up
to $100,000 can be made by staff at various levels. We budget on a
two-year basis, and we work with our board...Every grant maker writes
what we call a program office memo. That is ultimately approved by
his or her immediate supervisor and then by someone at a
vice-presidential program level. Then, all grants that they make
under $100,000 pursuant to that memo, they and their immediate
supervisors approve. And anything over that needs my approval. We
meet every other week for an entire morning; and all the grants over
$100,000 that have been recommended in the prior two-week period are
on a list and we talk about them.

I get a write-up on every single grant. There may be 50
on the list, or ten on the list. I read them all, think about them
all, and we discuss some of them...The meeting is really a group
discussion. I lead it, and I have to put my signature on the grant in
the end, but all the officers of the foundation are there, and any
program officer or any staff member who wants to attend can attend
and participate.

...We make grants of $1,000 and we make $50 million
grants. We make endowment grants and project grants and general
support grants...

It's a policy-making board instead of a grant making

In our foundation we draw our board members from all over
the world...It makes more sense for the board to set foundation

They set the budget level and broad allocations...We set
our budget at 5.8 percent of a three-year rolling average of our
portfolio value. Then, depending on our judgment about the stock
market and other things, we may move around a little bit from that...

We convene groups of our grantees with groups of our
staff who make grants to them...

...Linda Strumpf is the vice president for investment at
the foundation. We have an investment committee of the board. They
are in touch regularly and Linda and I talk frequently. We all think
hard about asset allocation and the broad investment choices we
make...In recent years, we have put a significant amount of money
into venture capital and a lot of that in technology, and have done
very, very well with those investments.

...We do not, other than in a very few cases, screen

Besides managing the Ford Foundation's multi-billion dollar
unscreened investment portfolio and the rest of the Ford Foundation's
$10.7 billion in assets, Ford Foundation Vice-President for
Investments Linda Strumpf also has been a member of the investment
committee of the Ms. Foundation for Women—which has received
millions of dollars in grants from the Ford Foundation in recent
years. In addition, Ford Foundation Vice-President for Investments
Strumpf is a member of the investment committee of Penn State
University—which received over $58 million in war research
contracts from the Pentagon in 1999. That same year, the
"non-profit," tax-exempt Ford Foundation paid Linda
Strumpt, its vice-president for investments, an annual salary of

In the December 1988 issue of MULTINATIONAL MONITOR, Jim Donahue
reported, in an article entitled "The Foundations of Apartheid
and The Nuclear Industry," that in 1988, during the apartheid
era, the Ford Foundation had $1.32 billion invested in companies
doing business in South Africa, accounting for 43 percent of tis
total investment value at that time. The MULTINATIONAL MONITOR also
noted that in 1988, "eighteen million dollars" of the
MacArthur Foundation's investments were in apartheid South
Africa-tied companies and "the Rockefeller Foundation held $233
million in corporations doing business in or with South Africa"
during the apartheid era.

MULTINATIONAL MONITOR also observed in 1988 that "Nuclear
Weapons-Linked Investment Corporations that receive government
contracts to build components for nuclear weapons are popular among
leading foundations" and "the Ford Foundation...holdings
account for 16 percent of Ford's total investment value, or $496
million, with the largest holding being in nuclear-contract-linked
IBM and General Electric."

Although the Ford Foundation posts a list of its recent grants on
its web site, it's not that easy to locate on the Internet a list of
all the current corporate stocks that are currently contained in the
Ford Foundation's unscreened stock portfolio. Establishment
foundations have a long tradition of not being eager to make it easy
for the U.S. public to know which corporate stocks they own. As
Ferdinand Lundberg observed in his AMERICA's 60 FAMILIES book long
ago: "E.C. Lindeman, the outstanding authority on the internal
functioning of foundations, states in his monumental WEALTH AND
CULTURE, published in 1936, that his `first surprise was to discover
that those who managed foundations and trusts did not wish to have
these instruments investigated. Had it occurred to me then,' he
continued, `that it would require eight years of persistent inquiry
at a wholly disproportionate cost to disclose even the basic
quantitative facts desired, I am sure that the study would have been
promptly abandoned."

What can be easily discovered on the Internet is that over $4
billion of the Ford Foundation's $10.7 billion in assets in 2001 was
invested in U.S. corporate stock and over $1.3 billion in foreign
corporate stock. From its billions of dollars in corporate stock
holdings in 2001, the "non-profit" Ford Foundation received
$343 million in dividends and interest income and earned an
additional capital gains income of $992 million. Yet on its 2001
annual income, the "non-profit" Ford Foundation only paid a
1% excise tax.

But despite the great power that control over such excess wealth
gives to Establishment foundations like the Ford Foundation to
influence world history and manage social change on behalf of
Ultra-Rich power elite interests, the foundation-subsidized
alternative media groups rarely report critically on the world of Big
Foundations--or on the U.S. Establishment conspiracies that may may
be hatched in either the foundation, corporate or national security
state apparatus boardrooms. Yet without an understanding of the
political economic and cultural role that Big Foundations and
Ultra-Rich power elite conspiracy plays in global politics, one can't
really understand how the System operates or how world history is
determined. And one's political and intellectual consciousness and
analysis is going to remain incomplete and partial, in a significant

In his article, entitled "Getting Behind the Media: What are
the subtle trade offs of foundation support for journalists?",
Rick Edmunds characterized the ethical issues that develops when
journalists--even alternative media journalists--begin to rely on
subsidies from the Big Foundation to fund their alternative media

In research published...by the Poynter Institute on the
rising number, scope, and dollar amounts of foundation grants for
journalism, I found that media recipients are becoming ever more
comfortable--and perhaps less reflective--about taking the
money...When they show up with much-needed funding for an
investigative series or pay the freight for a reporter working on an
underreported beat, foundations don't receive the same due-diligence
scrutiny for hidden subtext that journalists apply to a corporate
press release or a politician's statement. The effect that foundation
money may have on the news business is subtle but real, and
increasingly troubling on the ethical front...In public television
and radio and at certain serious magazines, foundation funding has
become a way of life, and grants can run to seven figures...The
percentage of public broadcasting revenue coming from foundations has
doubled in the past two decades. And in the world of nonprofit media,
a few million a year goes a long way...

...The lack of overt editorial should not blind us to the
more subtle, one might say cultural, ties that bind these news
organizations to their funders. There are, for example, any number of
opportunities for grant makers to shape the editorial product as it
is developed...If the foundations' and recipients' goals have been
properly `aligned' not much more may be needed to see that the intent
is carried out...

Lost in the benevolent fog that surrounds most
foundations is the notion that they may have more of an agenda, not
less, than a sponsoring corporation...Cultural affinity can sometimes
make it difficult for editors and journalists to draw the distinction
between accepting a grant and accepting a funders point of view...

National Public Radio is the heavyweight champion in
harvesting these grants...Its income is pushing $100 million, about
40 percent of that from corporations and foundations. NPR
consistently declines to say what share of the grants that it
receives are restricted to specific content areas...Also, for several
years, NPR's reporting unit on money and politics has been supported
by a grant from the...Schumann Foundation...

Speaking of the Schumann Foundation, a KPFA listener and 9/11
conspiracy journalist recently discovered that its President, Public
Affairs TV Inc. Executive Director Bill Moyers, also now sits on the
board of directors of Billionaire Speculator George Soros' Open
Society Institute. But since the former publisher of the Schumann
Foundation-subsidized COLUMBIA JOURNALISM REVIEW, Joan Konner, is
both a board member of Open Society Institute board member Moyers'
Schumann Foundation and the president of Open Society Institute board
member Moyers' Public Affairs TV Inc., don't expect the COLUMBIA
JOURNALISM REVIEW to question too much the ethical appropriateness of
this Schumann Foundation/Open Society Institute board interlocking
directorate. And certainly don't expect too much questioning of such
institutional relationships by the Schumann Foundation-subsidized
FAIR group or by the Open Society Institute-subsidized

And if, by some chance, the Ford Foundation's publicity shield
ever gets penetrated in a "parallel left" alternative media
world which it has been heavily subsidizing in recent years, it still
can move quickly to neutralize any negative publicity—by calling
upon a "counter-cultural" public relations firm that used
to represent the Pacifica Foundation, called Fenton Communications.
In addition to having the Ford Foundation as one of its clients
during the 1990s, the Ford Foundation web site now indicates that
Fenton Communications was apparently given a $300,000 grant "for
communications activities designed to promote informed dialogue in
response to the September 11 activity, with an emphasis on protecting
civil liberties and preventing discrimination"--by a Ford
Foundation on whose board sits the wife of the Bush White House
presidential historian.

Part 10:

In a 1998 book that was subsidized by the MacArthur Foundation,
the Lyndon Baines Johnson Foundation and The Rockefeller Foundation,
BROTHERS IN ARMS, a contributing editor of Katrina vanden Heuvel's
NATION magazine, Kai Bird, recalled that in June 1968, then-Ford
Foundation President McGeorge "Bundy arranged fellowships
totaling $131,000 for eight members of" the mysteriously-slain
Robert F. "Kennedy's campaign staff." Bird also noted that
recipients "included Frank Mankiewicz ($15,000 for a study of
the Peace Corps in Latin America), Adam Walinsky ($22,200 for a study
of community action programs) and Peter Edelman ($19,090 for a study
of community development programs around the world)."

In recent years Peter Edelman has been sitting on the board of a
foundation, the Public Welfare Foundation, which subsidizes the
alternative media work of Chip Berlet's Political Research Associates
[PRA] group. In 2002, for instance, Peter Edelman's Public Welfare
Foundation gave a $50,000 grant to Political Research Associates to
provide "general support for research center that collects and
disseminates information on extremist groups and provides information
and training to local, state, and national organizations working to
counter extremist activity." PRA's form 990 also indicates at
least $90,000 in additional grant money was given to Political
Research Associates by Peter Edelman's Public Welfare Foundation
between 1993 and 1996; and in 1999, another grant of $50,000 was
given to the Political Research Associates group by the Public
Welfare Foundation.

Prior to working as a staff person for RFK and then receiving his
Ford Foundation fellowship from former National Security Affairs
advisor Bundy, Public Welfare Foundation board member Edelman worked
as a law clerk to a Supreme Court Justice named Arthur Goldberg.
According to the 1982 book Rooted In Secrecy: The Clandestine Element
in Australian Politics by Joan Coxsedge: "Arthur Goldberg, the
General Counsel of the CIO engineered the expulsion of the Left from
this organization...After the left-wing purge of the CIO, Goldberg
worked to achieve union with the conservative American Federation of
Labor [AFL] headed by rabid anti-communist and long-time CIA stooge,
George Meany, and what was left of the CIO." Public Welfare
Foundation board member Edelman is also both the political
godfather/rabbi of U.S. Senator Hillary Rodham-Clinton and a former
Clinton Administration official. According to the Center for
Responsive Politics' web site, Public Welfare Foundation board member
Peter Edelman also gave two campaign contributions, totaling $1,500,
to Hillary Rodham-Clinton's campaign on September 26, 2000 and
another $1,000 campaign contribution to Senator Rodham-Clinton's
campaign on November 9, 2000. Marian Edelman of the Children's
Defense Fund NGO also gave a $1,000 campaign contribution to Hillary
Rodham-Clinton on November 9, 2000.

In the late 1990s, the Massachusetts-based Political Research
Associates [PRA] was also given a $120,000 grant by the San Francisco
Foundation. The board of trustees and/or the investment committee of
the San Francisco Foundation has included the following members of
the Bay Area Establishment in recent years: 1. Levi Strauss
Foundation Board Member Peter Haas Jr.; 2. Advent Software Inc. Chair
and U. of California-Berkeley Foundation board member Stephanie
Marco; 3. Equidex Inc. Chair and former U.S. Ambassador to Luxembourg
James Hormel; 4. Oakland Private Industry Council CEO Gay Plair Cobb;
5. Brookings Institute Trustee Emeritus and U. of California-Berkeley
Foundation board member F. Warren Hellman; 6. Stanford University
Trustee Leslie Hume; 7. Pacific Gas & Electric [PG&E] Chief
Finance Officer Kent Hardy; 8. Seneca Capital Management Founder Gail
Seneca; and 9. Foundation for Chinese Democracy Chair/President
Rolland C. Lowe. In addition, the San Francisco Foundation presently
controls over $695 million in assets and takes in about $15 million a
year in investment income from its corporate stock portfolio.

Contributions exceeding $5,000 were also made to Political
Research Associates by the following other individuals or foundations
between 1993 and 1996: William & Robie Harris ($32,000); Jean
Hardisty ($125,588), Thomas P. Jalkut ($85,000), Hannah Kranzberg
($5,000), Sister Fund ($20,000), CS Fund ($30,000); Funding Exchange
($12,000); Haymarket Peoples Fund ($17,000); Ms. Foundation for Women
($15,000); Nathan Cummings Foundation ($80,000); the Stresand
Foundation ($7,500); Threshold Foundation ($27,825); Tides Foundation
($69,260); Unitarian Universalist Veatch ($50,000; Sylvia Goodman
($11,000); Michael Kieschnick ($29,279); Albert A. List Foundation
($75,000); US Trust ($5,032); The New Land Foundation ($5,000); and
PRRAC ($10,000). In 1999, additional contributions exceeding $5,000
were made to Political Research Associates by the following
individuals and foundations: Unitarian Universalist Veatch Program
($25,000); The Prentice Foundation ($5,000); Stephen & Diana
Goldberg Foundation ($10,000); Tides Foundation ($57,550); Albert A.
List Foundation ($25,000); Carol Bernstein ($5,000); Irving Harris
Foundation ($25,000); Nathan Cummings Foundation ($55,000); Thomas
Jalkut ($15,000); Nancy Meier ($15,025);; Warsh-Mott Legacy
($20,000); Chambers Family Fund ($25,000); and the Ms. Foundation For
Women ($15,000).

At least $11,000 in politically partisan campaign contributions
have also been made by a Jean Hardisty of Political Research
Associates since 1992, according to the Center for Responsive
Politics web site. On November 15, 1999, for instance Ms. Hardisty
gave a $1,000 campaign contribution to the Democratic Senatorial
Campaign Committee. And on September 12, 2000, Ms. Hardisty gave a
$1,000 campaign contribution to KidPAC.

In the acknowledgment section of the 1995 Eyes Right! book which
Chip Berlet edited, the Establishment Foundation-sponsored Political
Research Associates executive wrote: "An extra tip of the hat to
Matthew Rothschild of The Progressive for his special assistance."
Coincidentally, in recent months Berlet joined PROGRESSIVE magazine
editor Rothschild in attempting to smear and marginalize 9/11
conspiracy journalists and researchers, while apparently failing to
do much political research into possible links between the Ford
Foundation, the Trilateral Commission, the Carlyle Group and/or the
Bush White House.
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